7i. M^- 






GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



SPEECH 



HON. N. B. SCOTT, 



OF WEST VIRGINI-A., 



SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



Tuesday, June S, 1900. 



4512 



WASHIMGXON. 

1900. 













Cong-. Record Of Jf, 
10 Jd.' 01 






SPEECH 

OF 

HON. N. B. SCOTT 



GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

Mr. SCOTT. I ask the Chair to lay before the Senate Senate 
bill 2355. 

The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consid- 
eration of the bill (S. 2355) in relation to the suppression of insur- 
rection in. and to the government of, the Philippine Islands, 
ceded by Spain to the United States by the treaty concluded at 
Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898. 

Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I desire to detain the Senate but a 
few minutes, not to exceed thirty, to offer a few remarks on the 
bill now before the Senate. 

Mr. President, when we consider the magnitude of the ques- 
tion now under consideration, the fact that, independent of the 
75,000,000 people of this country, some 10,000,000 other peoples 
now subject to our dominion and control are interested, we can 
readily account for the many conflicting views presented. If, 
however, we but realize that we are not confronted with a mere 
theoi-etical question of government, but an actual existing state 
of affairs, and one which, whether desirable or undesirable, pleas- 
ant or unpleasant, we are forced to meet, there should be no 
serious difference as to our duty in the premises. It will serve 
no good purpose to discuss what should or ought to have been 
done. That belongs to the past. It is to the present that we 
should address ourselves. 

It will not be out of place, however, in reaching an intelligent 
conclusion as to our present and future duty, to reflect for a mo- 
ment on the circumstances leading to our present relations with 
the Philippine Islands. Why are we confronted with the problem 
at all? Was it one of our own seeking or one legitimately thrust 

4S13 3 



upon us? Americans are familiar with the facts leading up to 
and forcing this country to declare war against the Spanish Gov- 
ernment. Not only did Spain violate her plainest duty to her 
own people, but right at our door caused and permitted such cruel 
outrages to be committed as to shock the civilized world and make 
it our manifest duty, in the interest of those cruelly oppressed, to 
intercede in their behalf. No other nation could properly have 
intervened, and the Christian people of every country, with prac- 
tical unanimity, demanded that the barbarity and cruelty then 
being practiced should be brought at once to an end. 

This shocking condition was of long standing and our action 
can not be said to have been hastily taken. Every reasonable 
means was exhausted before resort to arms was had; appeals were 
made, warnings given, postponements had, looking to a changed 
condition of affairs, but all to no purpose. After exhausting every 
effort to change these conditions, matters apparently grew worse, 
until our own battle ship, lawfully within a Spanish harbor, was 
destroyed and the lives of hundreds of our brave seamen lost. 
That war naturally resulted is what might have been expected. 
The justice of that war is no more questioned than that its suc- 
cess was complete and overwhelming. As the result, our present 
relations in reference to Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines 
arise. 

Whatever limitations exist as to the title and sovereignty of 
this Government over Cuba arise solely from the declared pur- 
poses embodied in the declaration of war. In the absence of such 
conditions, no one could be found to controvert the fact that the 
result of this war, short and decisive as it was, gave to this coun- 
try undisputed sovereignty over Cuba. That we shall faithfully 
carry out our pledges as a nation in that regard I doubt not: but 
the fact that the condition exists as to the island, on account of 
which the conflict arose, but emphasizes the fact that as to any 
other territory or property of the vancjuished power our title is 
complete and our authority supreme. Porto Rico and the Phil- 
ippines belong to us as the legitimate result of con(iuest. 

There is no doubt of the right of a nation to acquire property 
by conquest. So manifestly plain is this that those who make 
the contrary contention as to the Philippines are forced to ac- 

4512 



knowledge the very reverse as to Porto Rico. Sural}- if b}' con- 
(luest welawtullyhold Porto Rico, doubly clear must be our right 
and title to the Philippines, which we acquired both by conquest 
and purchase. The Philippines were a part of the Spanish pos- 
sessions and under the dominion and control of that Government. 
They were among Spain's ancient possessions, and while it is true, 
as in Cuba, rebellion may have existed against the Government 
of Spain on some portions of the archipelago, still it was as much 
a part and parcel of the Spanish domain as was Cuba or any other 
of its colonies. 

For this reason those conducting the war on the part of our 
Government at once selected Manila as a legitimate point of at- 
tack against the Spanish, and when the electric flash told the 
world of Deweys magnificent victory, no one doubted upon whom 
the American guns had fired and whose possessions were thereby 
imperiled. Spain quickly realized the complete and overwhelm- 
ing victory we had won. and did not seriously controvert our 
claim of title when asserted. To pretend that because in certain 
of the provinces a state of disorder existed we are not entitled to 
claim the legitimate result of our victory, is an insult to intelli- 
gence and a lack of appreciation of the valorous deeds of those 
who, by their gallantry and fortitude, won one of the greatest 
naval victories in the worlds history. 1 do not think that I mis- 
take the sentiment of the people of this country when I predict 
that they will never consent to take a step backward in this im- 
portant contest: to surrender a single advantage gained, or lower 
the Stars and Stripes where the American soldiers and sailors 
have placed them. 

One thing at least is settled. The islands are the territory ot 
the United States; they have been lawfully acquired, and no power 
disputes the fact of our conquest, the legality of our purchase, or 
the right of our possession. They will remain ours until aban- 
doned by Congress or wrested from us by others. Those who 
differ with me on this subject have at least one satisfaction, that 
if it shall be found to be wise to surrender that which we hold as 
the result of conquest and purchase, we will have no difficulty in 
finding possibly a less conservative, but certainly a more pro- 
gressive, nation anxious and ready to take up what we throw away. 



4512 



6 

Mr. President, in arriving at a determination of what should be 
our policy regarding these islands we are confronted by two propo- 
sitions—what as a people we owe to the Filipinos themselves and 
what we owe to other nations. 

Is it possible that we are so fortunately situated in our present re- 
lations with the Philippine Islands as not to have assumed some 
duty, or to have incurred some responsibility, due alike to the peo- 
ple of the islands and to the other nations of the earth? We would, 
indeed, be in a strange condition to find ourselves thus circum- 
stanced. Such a thing would be unprecedented; and to suppose 
that the condition exists is merely imaginary. To thus lull our 
consciences would make us a set of dreamers, failing to appreci- 
ate our real responsibilities and obligations. As victors we owe 
a duty to the vanquished. 

Does anyone doubt that the intelligent classes of the inhabitants 
of these islands, those largely owning the property, those hereto- 
fore responsible for the conduct of the government, were Spanish 
or Spanish sympathizers? Does anyone doubt that between these 
and the insurrectionary element in the archipelago the bitterest 
state of feeling existed and now exists? Shall this large and re- 
sponsible class be ignored? Are they to be left unprotected from 
the revolutionists, who have attempted to hold the islands un- 
der subjection, or should this Government be true to itself and 
discharge its plainest and simplest duty of seeing that full protec- 
tion to life, limb, and property is accorded to all, and particu- 
larly to those upon whom, to the present time, the control of the 
government has been cast? Precisely the same condition, except 
possibly more intensified, exists as to the better and the more in- 
telligent of the natives, who are and have been loyal to the United 
States. 

For us to fail in the discharge of our duty to this class and leave 
them to the tender mercies of the lawless horde, which threatens 
to crush them down as the result of our overturning the existing 
government and because of their faithfulness to us, would be a 
crime second only to the cruelties on the part of the Spanish (tov- 
ernment in Cuba that In-ought about our intervention. It is, in 
effect, what we were urged to do by many, whose enthusiasm ap- 
parently blinded their judgment as to Cuba at the beginning of 



the strife; but it is now manifest that to have acknowledged the 
independence of the Cubans would have been the height of folly. 
Yet, some Senators say, Mr. President, that we must give up 
the Philippines to Aguinaldo and his followers and let them do a» 
they will, reckoning them as fit to establish government and pro- 
mote peace and order throughout the archipelago. What stu- 
pendous folly: What height of blindness! Is it possible that they 
have studied the acts and doings of these marauders? Are they 
conversant with their conduct at the taking of Manila? If so, they 
must know that it took all the efforts of the American Army to 
restrain these outlaws from sacking and looting the city, and in- 
stead of aiding our soldiers to carry the city, they retarded them 
seriously in their operations. Their sole idea of war seems to be 
the enriching of themselves at the cost of the vanquished. Pro- 
fessor Worcester, of the late Philippine Commission, in a speech 
before the Hamilton Club of Chicago last November, after review- 
ing some of the outrages perpetrated by the Filipinos upoa their 
own countrymen, says: 

In Cafvite province, just south of Manila, the insurgent troops had robbed 
the inhabitants of the principal towns, and had committed very numerous 
assaults on women. One of their generals had established a regular seraglio, 
and had flatly refused to olaey the orders of his superior officer. Tse natives 
of the province were calling the insurgent troops by the name commonly 
appHed to the mythical being popularly supposed to breed the cholera. Men 
were constantly coming in from the important towns begging us to advance 
our lines, drive out the insurgents, and give them protection. I have chosen 
these two provinces because I personally received almost daily reports of 
conditions there, and know whereof I speak. They were by no means ex- 
ceptional. 

In southern Luzon the Bicols had risen up against the Tagalogs at several 
points and were asking for help The Tagalog general, Lucban, had extorted 
some iiW.UOO from the inhabitants of Samar and Ley te and had put it into 
his pocket. The people of Hohol were calling for aid. The Moros and the 
insurgents had fallen to fighting each other in Mindanao, where we had 
not landed a man. Tomas Aguinaldo, an insurgent official and cousin of the 
dictator, had gone to Mamburao, on the west coast of Mindoro, and had there 
organized a genuine piratical expedition, with the avowed object of plunder- 
ing the peaceable inhabitants of the Calaniianes Islands, Palawan, Masbate, 
Sibuvan, and Komblon. This plan had been carried out and he had returned 
to Mamburao heavily laden with plunder. • * * 1 could go on indefinitely 
with illustrations, but I believe that those given will suffice. 

Now, Mr. President, are such people the ones to whom the des- 
tinies and happiness of 10,000,000 of human beings should h& 
intrusted? I admit that those who so contend are differently 
constituted from myself. In addition to such lawless acts as 

4512 



those depicted by Professor Worcester, if we turn the islands over 
to these insurrectionists, we will see internal strife drench the 
archipelago with blood. Three distinct races exist in the islands, 
divided into numerous tribes, all opposed to each other. Agui- 
naldo and his followers are of the Malayan race and almost entirely 
of the Tagalog tribe, which numbers about a million and a half 
of people, while the Yisayas of the same race number more than 
two millions and a half. From all the evidence obtainable, it 
seems that these tribes are deadly enemies and the authority of 
Dictator Aguinaldo and his followers would be resisted to the last 
degree. It is hard to see why men will continue to demand the 
surrender of these islands with such conditions only too plainly 
apparent. 

This, Mr. President, is but a brief summary of our duty to the 
islanders, but in a larger and more comprehensive sense obliga- 
tions, international in character, arise that we ought not to escape 
if we could and could not if we would. The moment that Dewey's 
victory at Manila was announced it was known tha;t Spanish 
dominion and authority in that part of its territory was virtually 
at an end, and other nations had the right to look to us for the 
assumption of governmental control of the islands. If these duties 
and responsibilities did not then arise, certainly they did thereafter 
when Spain formally ceded to us this territory. To say that we 
should not have gone there, that we have no right there now. that 
it is contrary to the fundamental principles of this Government, 
is to beg the whole (luestion. We did go there, and we were there 
as the result of the declaration of war against the power that then 
owned the islands, and we went there because we believed it to be 
a point where we could successfully meet the enemy. The result 
has proved the wisdom of the course taken. And now, having suc- 
ceeded, it can not he that we are under no obligations to anyone 
by reason of the position in which we find ourselves. 

It is true that we have the right arbitrarily to leave— to aban- 
don the territory— and give up all that we have ac(]uired, and, in 
fact, apologize for what we have done. But who would advocate 
such a policy? Is there anyone who sincerely believes that this 
is the proper thing to do? It would make our country the laugh- 
ingstock of the world and do more to discount the prestige that 
4.5 1:.' 



we have won by our magnificent victories on land and sea than 
anything else that has ever hai)pened or can happen. The serious 
consequences which might arise from a contest among other na 
tions, whose envious eyes are upon the islands, alike to the archi- 
pelago and the countries involved, can not be foreseen. 

Is it the duty of America to remain isolated on the Western 
Hemisphere and confine her works to this continent? No. Under 
the infiuence of her glorious example nearly every country on the 
Western Hemisphere has shaken off monarchical rule and stands 
to-day numbered with the independent republics of the world. 
Now that her mission here is virtually ended, shall she sit su- 
pinely and heed not the cries of the needy when under her own 
control elsewhere? Shall we act the part of the slothful servant 
in the parable of the talents? Many are our opportunities and 
much the work to be done, and we must not pause before our duty. 

It is idle to discuss this question from the standpoint that all 
who favor the retention of these islands aim a blow at liberty and 
attempt to subvert the glorious doctrine of the immortal Declara- 
tion of Independence. For my part, I shall not, in considering 
this question, take any position contrary to the letter and spirit of 
that great instrument. In what respect, allow me to ask, does 
the retention of the Philippines violate its cardinal truths? I can 
see no argument in such bald contentions. When the hopeless- 
ness of a cause becomes apparent, its advocates grasp at anything 
that will sustain them for a moment. They know that the burn- 
ing words which Jefferson wrote in 1776 are revered by all Ameri- 
can citizens, and hope by a great hue and cry to excite people into 
the belief that they are being departed from. I rest secure my 
views in the spirit of that remarkable instrument, for it is to save 
the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago from endless war 
and all its kindred evils, to rescue them from the hand of a heart- 
less and self-imposed dictator and his avaricious followers, and to 
assure to them the benefits of free government and the blessings 
of peace, happiness, and contentment that I will vote for the bill 
introduced by the Senator from Wisconsin when it shall come 
before the Senate. 

Thus far I have only dealt with the humane side of this ques- 
tion and what our duty to these islands should be. Can it be 
45 la 



10 

doubted that this enlightened and Christian nation owes to these 
ignorant and benighted people other and higher obligations? To 
this time only one religious denomination has made any impres- 
sion upon the islanders. I refer, of course, to the Roman Catho- 
lic Church, which in many parts of the archipelago has achieved 
great success. In so far as any religion exists there at all, this 
faith is entitled to most of the credit, audi doubt not that it has 
accomplished great good. The Protestant faith, which largely 
dominates this country, has not yet gained an appreciable foot- 
hold; and it is not likely that during the coming century such 
another opportunity will be afforded for the extension of Christ's 
kingdom upon the earth. Christianity demands our retention of 
the islands. The best reports show that paganism exists in many 
parts of the archipelago and cannibalism among some of the lower 
tribes. If we give up these islands to men who themselves know 
no higher authority than their own passions, can we expect these 
horrible practices to be abandoned? 

But if we retain these islands and establish within their borders 
peace and order, our noble missionaries who have braved so many 
perils will, with the great welding power of love, stamp out these 
evils and bring these degraded people to a high standard of moral 
worth. So long as we parley here we are keeping these men of 
God from their duty and are violating the command of the Mas- 
ter to go into all the world and preach the gospel to every crea- 
ture. Look what Christianity has done for Hawaii and Japan! 
It will do the same for the Philippines. Is it an unreasonable 
prophecy that, with such a government as we will give these peo- 
ple, in the course of time our Christian men and women will 
make this archipelago a Christian country, and tliat it will be 
heaven's agency, lying close to China, to lead the benighted na- 
tives of that densely populated land to an enlightened and purified 
religion? This is not an idle dream: it is a rational prediction. 
And we reckon in the light of the guiding hand of the Omnipotent 
Being who " moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform," 
this event will follow as surely as the years roll by. 

Mr. President, no mention has thus far been made by me as to 
the value of these possessions and the advantages likely to come 
to us as the result of our occupancy of the Philippines. Their 

4513 



11 

retention brings to us, as a return foronrtvemendons task of civ- 
ilization and development, many privileges and opportunities of 
trade. This is preeminently a commercial age. The conflicts of 
the future will be conflicts for commerce. The progressive na- 
tions of the earth are pressing forward and placing their goods in 
every available market. Shall we alone stand back and see the 
rest of the world go on? Are we to say to the great business in- 
terests of our country that we do not intend to seize these advan- 
tages, which will make our nation the ([ueen of the seas? No, 
ten thousand times no: we will place the name of America in the 
van of the foremost and our wares shall go to the uttermost parts 
of the earth. 

With the Hawaiian Islands ours, the Philippine Archipelago 
subject to our dominion and control, and the Nicaragua Canal an 
assured fact, who can predict as to this nation's commercial fu- 
ture? Our commanding position on the Pacific relative to the 
trade of the East will be equaled only by the great advantages 
which we possess on the Atlantic seaboard as to the business of 
the Western Hemisphere. This fortunate position must be appre- 
ciated by all intelligent people, who will, for a moment, reflect 
upon it. The fact that our shores are washed by the waters of 
two oceans for thousands of miles, instead of being, as some have 
thought, a source of weakness, will prove a source of strength. 

Many persons oppose the retention of the Philippines, honestly 
believing that we are wrong and that failure and misfortune mast 
inevitably result. We should not forget that no great end has 
ever yet been accomplished without encountering the sneers and 
evil prophecies of many. We can go back as far as the flood to 
prove the truthfulness of this assertion. Noah was laughed at 
and thought to be a dreamer and a fool by the wicked of the earth, 
yet he preserved from extinction all living creatures. Holy Writ 
abounds with illustrations of like character, and profane history 
is rich with them. America would not have been discovered in 
1492 if Columbus had been daunted by the hisses of the populace. 
If Fulton, Stevenson, and Morse had listened to direful predic- 
tions, the steamboat and the steam engine would never have added 
their mighty force to the worlds great workshop: the telegraphic 
instrument would never have clicked out its messages; cables 



12 

would never have ccnnected far-away lands by almost instantane- 
ous communication: in short, the world would still be almost hid- 
den in darkness. Progress is the order of the day, and enlight- 
ened progress at that. We can consistently combine the welfare 
of the Filipinos with the successful establishment of our commer- 
cial supremacy in the East. These islands are about the last left 
in the Pacific Ocean, and common prudence and ordinary fore- 
sight demand their retention. 

How could we hope to become the most prominent and potent 
factor in eastern trade with San Francisco and Honolulu as our 
nearest ports? We must keep Manila as the door to the vast and 
undeveloped domain of China. Our foreign trade is growing 
apace; our exports greatly exceed our imports and are found in 
every nook and corner of the earth; and we must, in justice to 
ourselves, be on the alert and never fail to appreciate the great 
advantages that our favored position gives us. Every material 
interest, alike of the Filipinos and of the people of this country, 
demands that we maintain and support the Administration "s wise 
and humane policy as to these islands. We are told that vast and 
undeveloped wealth lies within their domain, and that the fertil- 
ity of the soil is unsurpassed. What good, though, will this bring 
forth if capital can not be secured? With the United States in 
control capital will be forthcoming to enrich the natives and 
cause gladness and plenty to crown their labors. But the fertile 
soil will fail to yield its fruils and these great resources will con- 
tinue to lie in the l)owels of the earth if we foolishly withdraw 
our sovereignty. According to undisputed reports, the country 
is rich beyond compute. But what will its riches avail if they 
can not be utilized for the good of mankind? Every circumstance 
and every condition demand that we keep control of these islands. 

We hear some say that they are too far away froni the great 
body of the United States. So much the better. If they were 
lying immediately off our coast they would be valueless as a com- 
mercial key and from a strategic standpoint. Their immense 
commercial worth lies in the fact that they guard, so to speak, the 
entrance to the open gate. But, then, are they so far away, after 
all? We can communicate with them almost instantly by cable, 
and steamships i)low their way across from San Francisco in thirty 
4512 



13 

days. In the war with Great Britain in 1812 the decisive battle 
of New Orleans was fought more than two weeks after the treaty 
of peace had been signed at Ghent. Now we obtain news of bat- 
tles in the Philippines immediately after their occurrence. As 
regards readiness of communication. Manila is nearer Washing- 
ton than Phihidelphia to New York when .Jackson fought his way 
to the White House. 

History records the great Napoleon as saying, when he sold the 
province of Louisiana to the United States, that he had raised up 
a power that would eventually wrest the scepter of the seas from 
England. We have now acquired territory which may make this 
prophecy an assured fact. 

Now, Mr. President, much has been and can be said as to what 
is the best form of government for these new possessions and what 
should be our future policy in reference to them. No serious con- 
tention is made, as I understand, that to the present time we have 
done aught in this regard other than our duty. No outrage seems 
yet to have been committed which the most enthusiastic opponent 
of the President's policy can point out. but it is of the future and of 
the refusal to declare now and forever that this Government will 
at some indefinite time surrender its power and control in the 
Philippines that complaint arises. Why should there be any con- 
troversy on this subject? The Administration has not yet failed 
in its duty in any matter incident to the inauguration or conduct 
of the war or the proper conclusions of the questions arising there- 
from. With singular unanimity it has received the almost undi- 
vided support of the American people. It is only on this question 
of the future, which can not now be definitely decided, that dis- 
cord and dissension have arisen. 

The bill under consideration contemplates giving to those be- 
nighted people the best government, republican in form, with the 
greatest liberty for which they are fitted. No more than this 
should be done. Pending the establishment of a perfect form and 
system of self-government they are entitled to and should receive 
just what the bill provides, viz. maintenance and piotection in 
the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion. They 
should be accorded these great boons, and no other government 
than ours can ofter them or anv of them. My understanding of 



14 

the policy of the Administration and of the Republican party is to 
establish peace and order in the Philippines, give their inhabitants 
prosperity, peace, and happiness, and at the same time assure to 
them the largest measure of self-government and local rule that 
the circumstances and conditions justify, and at the earliest prac- 
ticable moment. 

The Senator who votes against such a policy as this is allying 
himself with the enemies of his country; he is rashly imperiling 
her greatness. These islands have been forced on us by the for- 
tunes of war. Our dutj' to the inhabitants of the archipelago and 
to other nations, religion, humanity, defense, trade, all demand 
their retention. To withdraw now would be weakness and cow- 
ardice; would be an aimouncement to the whole world that this 
Government feels itself unequal to the burden of carrying on to 
a successful conclusion the work which it has begun in the Philip- 
pines. It would be to lose, no doubt forever, the one great op- 
portunity now within our power to elevate the millions of people 
inhabiting these islands in the scale of civilization and enlighten- 
ment and to e^s.teud to them the benefits and blessings of our free 
institutions. 
4312 

o 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



012 608 234 4 



Hollinger 

pH 8^ 

MiU Run R)3-2193 



4fi^^^ i- 4 V ^^ m- i^: H n 4 m ^^ m m m n m . 
# ■ n n 4 H ^i '^ ^^ M 'd % % n % % n. 

' " ii ' ^i i \t '4' '4 "^4 '^^ ^' '^i ^^- -^i U 'M H :€ M ^^ 



.^^ ii t,: 



¥ ^^ :t«' -^ -4 >ii M ;n 'f H ^ 

/^ ^i1' M '>r \H 4 W ^if ^ ]^ f I I 

^ ^ ^^/^.i M ¥ "-^ n 'n % H n. 

./ ri ..'!'. '-irT- :.*/ ■^'•as! '.j-f l-^i iJil tfflif tJsf' LI 



'. 'il M "^i n u '¥ ^ '^ ^4 M ¥ -^r >i m « .« ,.«^ 
"4 ':i 'ff- ^r ^^r ^\ u '^ '^ ^ ^^ ^^f ^'^ ''^ ^^ ^t K -^ 

^ -..f %. '-./ >-^ -fi -^^^ i^j; -^^.^l V?l 4 '^?T * ^ ^ ,^.M?..^i^ 

M^ 'f i a w '^r -^ % ^)ii % % n % "^^ '^- n ^ 

i >^'Vi >.i. ix'^.w rt ff »r f ( :^ ^ ^« ftfi K,^^^^^ 

/<f M ^if ''^ H ' % M. n: '^M % '% '^. M "C M.JA U Ji , 

i '^t A /( 'ii n n M 1^ M )M n n fi ^ip ^. ^^:^. 

n( vi -yi m ^ ^ "^ '^ '^ M -^ ¥ U % M ^i^^J^^^' 

' ■^"'^'' ^ M ' n >f "H ^^ m n -M ^ '^ '0. ^ ^ ^ ^ 

. lu/ '^^ ^f ^ x^ -^^ V ^:/ ^f m u '\i m- yJ "^h ? 

^ '^1 H ^! M Vf '^ \^ ^ C'^^ .^ k w m n /i:. m 

'i % M n -if ^f -4 %K ^4 'i H % HJ^. ^^. '^^ } 

^f ■ n n Vf v^i '^^ '^ m ^r vt y? -^it ^rr j^ ii m .^■ 

■if ^a xf^ ':t-\i rj- MM '^i( ^K M "ii t( M .^ ^ '^ 

■■"w >f ".ir^i 'n '^i ^'^ '^ ^^f ''^ M ^ ^t '^ ^. ii^ 



,?f 4| i^r ^. 



' '/ ^/ n ' '' '-' ''- ''-' '^ ^' •'^•v ^^-^ '^\ ^i n m ^ H 

i^f ^f"\^'^, ^ '*r W '^ i^i FT ^C .i?r «^ .^1 '^ 

^-'l, • ■ r^ ^d 'r i m ^? ^ ^^ If h^. 'If 

/*: .u • , ... ^f '^ W .. .^•' «^^ ^J M ^^- i^ «^f «^' B!« 

■■ <"'f ■■«{{' V«NJ '^ ?«^' "^ -'^ ^^ l^f ^ 5Jf *l^ .i^ \i 

■:. ■ ; .J 'li ;W "^ W ^^ itl ^ V M ^ M- *i^ ' '^ 

n"' ".':/ '^ ^ ':.:? \f: ^^ :4 ■/• '^^ ■'.^, iii »^ i«^ : 



^ -^i' Wi^ 



f T 



